Historic Churches 2019

BCD SPECIAL REPORT ON HISTORIC CHURCHES 26 TH ANNUAL EDITION 7 INTERPRETING THE EVIDENCE The association of the nave with community use was propagated (if not actually started) in 1944 by the historian GM Trevelyan in his book English Social History . He describes social events known as church ales, which were held in the church or churchyard to raise funds for building repairs, and states that ‘The nave of the church was the village hall for most communal purposes’. His suggestion was greatly supported by the publication in 1968 of JG Davies’ book, The Secular Use of Church Buildings, which quotes many documented examples of secular activities in churches across Europe, although concentrating on late medieval England. Social upheaval and redevelopment in the mid-20th century was reflected in the rapid evolution of church architecture, liturgy and theology, and Davies’ book had a wider purpose than its dry title might suggest. He was Edward Cadbury professor of theology in the University of Birmingham but more importantly, a leading member of the university’s Institute for the Study of Worship and Religious Architecture. From his main academic research into the buildings and liturgy of the early Christians, he was convinced that church buildings should accommodate all the functions of human society and in particular eating and socialising. He brought his conclusions to the attention of the New Churches Research Group, previously set up by Canon Peter Hammond in 1957, which was determined to bring the lessons of the Liturgical Movement to bear on the design of new churches in Britain. Rapidly expanding new housing estates needed new places of worship and both the Roman Catholics and the Church of England began building hundreds of new churches as early as the 1930s. For economic rather than theological reasons, both pursued the design of multi-purpose buildings, with halls built at an angle to the church or just single spaces that could be partitioned with folding doors or heavy plastic dividers. These were new buildings of course and Davies’ book was really aimed at the re-ordering of the Church of England’s parish churches to make them fit for the 20th century. He found documentary evidence to prove that medieval churches housed eating and drinking, plays, dances, markets and judicial functions. According to Davies, ‘There can be no question that in the Middle Ages the church was an all-purpose building. It is difficult to think of any secular activity that has no connection with it’. It followed, then, that it was legitimate to allow medieval churches (and the Victorian churches that followed a medieval template) to do the same in future, preferably in connection with creating a worship space that encouraged congregational participation in a Eucharist, rather than merely viewing it being celebrated at a distance in the chancel. The same flexible nave worship space could be used for what we now call ‘community activities’ and although Davies didn’t specifically advocate post offices and community cafés in churches, he would surely have approved of them. Much of Davies’ evidence came from diocesan visitation and other legal records. However, their erratic survival rate makes drawing wider conclusions about the use of medieval churches problematic (and it is not always clear whether the activities were held in the church or churchyard). Looking through one whole set only shows an occasional record of a market being held in one church, or people dancing on just one day in another. Perhaps the most widespread secular activity was the church ale, but again there is insufficient evidence that this was the norm in all churches. It would not be surprising if the only large covered space in a small village was resorted to in the winter or on a bad weather day, or that the church wardens were persuaded into such uses on occasion, for it would be the congregation and its representatives who controlled the nave, not the priest whose remit only ran in the chancel. Individuals then were just as influenced by others, or by events, or persuaded of the value of a particular argument as they are now. Davies suggests that it was ‘only towards the end of the period under review that fixed pews on any large scale were introduced’, although he omits to mention that the great majority of his examples come from that same period. Today, it is thought probable that blocks of fixed benches, which could be viewed as evidence of dedicated worship space, were normally present in the naves of English parish churches by the end of the 15th century, but it is not at all clear when they began to be introduced. There have been claims for mid-13th-century bench ends on stylistic grounds (as they look crude), but scientific analysis of those at Dunsfold (Surrey) gave a felling date of 1409–1441. That pews replaced ad hoc stools, loose benches, cushions and perhaps types of prie-dieu is generally agreed. The growing popularity of sermons, and an increase in personal devotions is thought to be the reason for introducing permanent, more comfortable seating. Blocks of pews would clearly inhibit large scale community events like church ales, and the building of separate church houses in or against the churchyard to house such events from the mid-15th century is further evidence for their widespread introduction. As ever with changes in parish churches, there is likely to have been huge variation, involving issues of status, governance, and of course, money. Rich individuals paid for some congregational pews as well as those for their own family, and in other places, churchwardens’ accounts list payments for seating. The principal purpose of a church building, to provide an appropriate setting for worship and religious devotion, is What we now consider as aisles were often sub-divided by screens into separate chapels, as at Dennington, Suffolk. Here at the east end of the nave aisle, the Bardolf chapel (c1450) retains the loft of its parclose screen and the opening in the wall to the left would have led to the rood loft. (Photo: Richard Halsey)

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